Tough Questions on the West Bank Answered

The West Bank is a 2,183-square-mile hilly territory bordered by Jordan, the Dead Sea, and Israel. Authority over the territory is divided between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA), established in 1994 under the Oslo Accords to provide interim self-governance. 

The Oslo Accords divided the West Bank into Areas A, B, and C. 

• Area A: The Palestinian Authority (PA) has full civil and security control. Israeli civilians are barred from entering; however, the Israel Defense Forces does operate here.
• Area B: The Palestinian Authority has civil control and shares security control with Israel. Israeli civilians are discouraged, but not formally banned from this area.
• Areas A and B are where some 99% of the roughly 3.36 million Palestinians in the West Bank live.
• Area C: Israel retains full civil and security control. This area includes most of the roughly 520,000 Israeli settlers and constitutes about 60% of the total territory.

The West Bank has seen a near-continuous Jewish presence for thousands of years. It contains key religious sites, including the Tombs of Joseph and Rachel and the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron, Judaism’s second-holiest site. Major Jewish communities include Ma’ale Adumim, the Gush Etzion bloc, Ariel, and Modi’in Illit, many of which Israel seeks to include as part of  Israel in any future peace agreement.

The territory is also home to major Palestinian cities, including Ramallah, the PA’s administrative center, as well as Nablus, Jenin, and Hebron, reflecting its dual historical and contemporary significance.

The West Bank is named for its location on the west bank of the Jordan River, distinguishing it from the East Bank, which became the modern country of Jordan. Following the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, Jordan controlled the territory, further reinforcing the geographic distinction. Israel captured the West Bank during the 1967 Six-Day War, and the name has continued to be used in the international arena.

Judea refers to the southern West Bank, named for the biblical Kingdom of Judah. Samaria refers to  the northern region of the West Bank, named for the ancient city (now called Nablus) that was the capital of the northern biblical Kingdom of Israel. Both names reflect the deep historical and religious connection of the Jewish people to the land. Today, many Israelis use “Judea and Samaria” to emphasize these ties, while Palestinians and much of the international community prefer the neutral term “West Bank,” popularized during Jordanian control from 1948 to 1967.

The Oslo Accords were a series of agreements signed by Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in the 1990s to establish Palestinian self-governance and a framework for peace. Oslo I (1993) and Oslo II (1995) established the Palestinian Authority (PA) to administer parts of the West Bank and Gaza, with the understanding that permanent-status negotiations on borders, refugees, and Jerusalem would follow.

The process ultimately unraveled. In November 1995, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, a key Oslo supporter, was assassinated by an Israeli extremist opposed to the accords. Palestinian terrorist attacks, particularly by Hamas, undermined trust, while internal disputes and leadership changes in Israel and the PA further stalled progress. Despite U.S.-mediated agreements such as the Hebron Protocol and the Sharm el-Sheik Memorandum, negotiations repeatedly collapsed, most notably at the 2000 Camp David summit hosted by President Clinton, which ended without agreement largely due to Palestinian intransigence.

Yes, through a complex history, Israel is currently the occupying power within the West Bank.  

Following Israel’s victory in the 1948 War of Independence, Jordan took control of East Jerusalem and the West Bank. During Jordanian rule, the Jewish Quarter of the Old City was destroyed, synagogues were desecrated, and the ancient Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives was ransacked, with graves desecrated and tombstones used as building materials. Jews were prohibited from visiting the Western Wall, one of Judaism’s holiest sites, and were expelled from their homes.

In the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel captured the West Bank, assuming responsibility for its security. Since then, Israel has maintained military administration in the territory, while allowing limited Palestinian self-rule under the Palestinian Authority (PA), established in 1994 as part of the Oslo Accords. The West Bank is divided into Areas A, B, and C. The PA governs Areas A and B, where the vast majority of Palestinians live, while Israel retains control over Area C, which includes all Israeli settlements and major security responsibilities, encompassing roughly 520,000 Israeli residents.

The original intent of this arrangement was to balance Israeli security needs with Palestinian self-governance. Israel’s presence ensures the protection of its citizens and historic Jewish sites, while the PA administers civilian affairs in areas where it is capable. It has long been assumed that the final status of the West Bank would be negotiated as part of any comprehensive Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement.

Today, over 520,000 Israelis, or five percent of the total population, live in communities beyond the pre-1967 borders, or Green Line, from established Jerusalem suburbs like Ma’ale Adumim to growing cities like Ariel and smaller neighborhoods like Evyatar. Israel argues that settlements do not violate the Fourth Geneva Convention, as Israeli citizens were neither deported nor forcibly transferred into these areas. Israel also contends that the West Bank was recognized as part of a Jewish homeland under the 1922 League of Nations Mandate and that Jordan’s 1948–1967 occupation was never internationally recognized, making the territory historically disputed.

Most of the international community, however, considers the settlements inconsistent with international law. UN bodies and the International Court of Justice have cited Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which prohibits transferring civilian populations into occupied territories. Critics also argue that settlement construction has led to the displacement of Palestinians and the territorial integrity of the West Bank, leading to concerns about the prospects of a Palestinian state and a two-state solution. 

AJC strongly rejects the contention that settlements are the core issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But AJC also has long maintained that “Israeli settlement expansion is inconsistent with the aim of a two-state accord,” and, in particular, that construction and reclassification of outposts beyond the 2005 security barrier “are not conducive to advancing prospects for peace.”

The question of annexation arises frequently in Israeli politics, especially on the Israeli right, which does not wish to see the creation of a Palestinian state. Annexation refers to the formal extension of Israeli sovereignty and law over these areas.

In 2020, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced plans to apply Israeli sovereignty to parts of the West Bank—specifically the Jordan Valley and major settlements —following the release of the U.S. “Peace to Prosperity” plan. The proposal triggered strong international criticism, with the United Nations and many states warning that annexation would violate international law and jeopardize the two-state vision. Israel ultimately set aside the plan as part of the deal that produced the Abraham Accords, which normalized Israel’s relations with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and later Morocco.

In July 2025, the Knesset passed a symbolic motion (71-13) declaring the West Bank “an inseparable part of the Land of Israel” and calling for extending Israeli law to Jewish settlements in Judea, Samaria, and the Jordan Valley. Though non-binding, the vote signaled a substantial shift in political will. In October, the Knesset, over the objections of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his governing Likud Party, gave preliminary approval to a bill to extend Israeli sovereignty over parts of the territory. Netanyahu has distanced himself from the legislation, saying that without Likud support, “these bills are unlikely to go anywhere.”

Even as these legislative moves advance, Israel still administers civil and security control over Area C of the West Bank. At the same time, Areas A and B remain under limited Palestinian Authority (PA) administration. However, the United States, the UAE, France, and other partners have expressed major concerns regarding unilateral annexation, primarily how the Palestinians in areas annexed will be governed. Furthermore, annexation could undermine regional peace, the Abraham Accords, and ongoing Arab–Israeli normalization efforts. For Israel, the debate over annexation remains a balancing act between asserting sovereignty, security, and preserving the broader strategic alliance with regional and Western partners.

The truth is that this is one of the most commonly employed malicious lies against Israel, which seeks to cast it as uniquely evil and worthy of being dismantled. This effort has been spearheaded by the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) Movement to isolate Israel from the international community, as was the case with South Africa in the 1980s and early 90s. Anti-Israel groups on campus and even so-called international human rights groups, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have also falsely singled out Israel and labeled it an apartheid state due to its policies towards the Palestinians.

According to the Cornell Legal Information Institute, “apartheid refers to the implementation and maintenance of a system of legalized racial segregation in which one racial group is deprived of political and civil rights.” 

All citizens of Israel enjoy full civil rights, and the Israeli Knesset (parliament) has included significant representation of elected Arab members. The Arabic language has a special status in Israel and Arab Israelis participate in civic life at all levels, including serving in senior posts in education, healthcare, and law. 

According to agreements signed between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the mid-1990s, known as the Oslo Accords, Israel maintains overall security control of the West Bank, while administrative control was divided between Israel and the PA. Under the agreements, Palestinian residents of the West Bank and Gaza Strip overseen by the PA are supposed to exercise their democratic rights in Palestinian elections. Regrettably, PA President Mahmoud Abbas has not permitted elections since 2006. (Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip, having ousted the PA in a violent coup in 2007.) 

Some point to separate roads and checkpoints in the West Bank as examples of “apartheid,” but these are security measures that are instituted or removed according to the security situation on the ground and have saved countless Israeli and Palestinian lives. A separation barrier—another frequent target of those claiming “apartheid”—was only erected between Israel and parts of the West Bank in the early 2000s, following Palestinian terrorist attacks during the Second Intifada that killed hundreds of Israelis. The barrier has been essential to curbing these attacks, which plummeted after its construction. 

While criticizing these security measures is fair game, the employment of the term “apartheid” is meant to demonize Israel, avoid a meaningful debate, and cast those who defend Israel as uniquely evil.

The Green Line marks Israel’s 1949 borders with the West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights following the Arab-Israeli War. It served as Israel’s de facto borders until the 1967 Six-Day War, when Israel gained control of the West Bank from Jordan, Gaza from Egypt, and the Golan Heights from Syria amid threats from all three countries.

Today, the Green Lineis often referred to as the “pre-1967 borders” and serves as a reference point in Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. The Palestinian Authority views the territories beyond the Green Line as part of a future Palestinian state. In 1981, Israel extended its civilian law and administration to the Golan Heights, a strategically vital plateau captured from Syria during the 1967 Six-Day War. Despite international criticism, Israel maintained that control of the Golan was essential to its security, given Syria’s past aggression and the area’s commanding geography. In 2019, the United States recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, marking a historic policy shift and reaffirming Israel’s right to defend its northern border. 

The Green Line remains central to peace discussions, with proposals for mutually agreed land swaps, including the Trump administration’s 2020 “Peace to Prosperity” plan, highlighting its ongoing role in shaping a negotiated resolution.

After the Six-Day War, Israel formally annexed East Jerusalem and applied Israeli law to the area offering citizenship to Arabs who had lived under Jordanian rule. Most declined and were instead granted hereditary permanent residency, allowing them and their descendants to remain in the city.
Today, the 360,000-plus Arab permanent residents of East Jerusalem largely identify as Palestinian, however, they can live, work, and travel freely in Israel, and access health care and social services. They cannot vote in national elections but may vote in Jerusalem municipal elections, though few do, and they travel on Jordanian documents rather than Israeli passports. The Jerusalem municipality provides them with education, cultural, and other municipal services.

These residents occupy a unique status. They have greater economic opportunity and security than Palestinians in the West Bank, yet do not have the full rights of Arab citizens of Israel. Those who wish can apply for citizenship, but it is not automatically granted by Israel. Most decline for reasons tied to Palestinian nationalism.

Yes, Palestinians in the West Bank can travel abroad, though the process requires coordination among the Palestinian Authority (PA), Israel, and Jordan.

The Allenby Bridge (King Hussein Bridge) is the only functioning land crossing for most Palestinians traveling internationally. Controlled by Israel on the Israeli side and Jordan on the Jordanian side—with PA coordination—it handles tens of thousands of travelers each month. Security screenings are standard and may lengthen wait times, but crossings typically proceed routinely when the security situation is stable.

Other Jordan border points, including the Sheikh Hussein and Arava (Yitzhak Rabin) crossings, are not open to West Bank Palestinians and are used mainly by Israelis, tourists, and foreign nationals.

Palestinians can apply for Israeli-issued exit permits for international travel. These restrictions are based on security considerations, not politics, and are designed to prevent attacks and safeguard lives. When coordination with the PA functions effectively, travel in and out of the West Bank occurs regularly and without disruption.