Humanitarian Aid in Gaza: What’s Really Happening

The current war in Gaza has been exceedingly painful. For Israelis, the 48 hostages being held by Hamas for over 22 months remains central, as does the near-daily loss of life of Israeli soldiers. For Palestinians, the loss of civilian lives and food security is a heartbreaking reminder of the horrors of war. 

AJC believes that Palestinian civilians must have access to food and shelter and recognizes that the delivery of humanitarian aid in a war zone is extremely complex. Unfortunately, Hamas has made that challenge even more difficult by repeatedly co-opting humanitarian aid for the terror organization's own benefit.

Like many things in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the truth regarding the reality of the humanitarian aid situation has been undermined by those pushing a political agenda. This includes inflammatory statements, and biased and false reporting.

This explainer aims to provide an update on the latest developments and highlight the complexities that arise in the face of false narratives and misinformation.

The Latest on Humanitarian Aid in Gaza

• Humanitarian Pauses & Aid Corridors: Israel continues daily 10-hour humanitarian pauses in Gaza City, Deir al-Balah, and Al-Mawasi (10 a.m.–8 p.m.), alongside secure corridors for aid convoys operating from 6 a.m.–11 p.m. These measures improve logistics and reflect Israel’s commitment to coordinated humanitarian efforts.
• World Food Programme Meeting: Prime Minister Netanyahu met UN World Food Programme chief Cindy McCain in Jerusalem Thursday to discuss expanding humanitarian aid to Gaza, agreeing to “redouble efforts to expedite and sustain the entry of humanitarian goods” and ensure aid reaches “the most vulnerable people where they are.”
• Aid Deliveries: Since May 2025, over 10,000 aid trucks have entered Gaza, with approximately 80% carrying food, alongside 5,000 tons of baby food and more than 2,500 tons of medical supplies. Airdrops by 12 countries have delivered more than 2,300 food packages, while distribution sites continue to serve over 2.2 million weekly food packages to families.
• Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF): The U.S.-Israel-backed GHF says it's adding two new sites in southern Gaza and announced plans to expand to 16 sites, aiming to reduce dangerous travel and overcrowding at existing centers. The GHF operates under Israeli oversight to ensure aid reaches civilians, though some international organizations have raised concerns about operational scale and safety at distribution points.
• Private Merchant Goods Entry: Israel’s cabinet approved a mechanism allowing controlled entry of goods via private merchants, supervised by COGAT, diversifying and increasing the flow of essential items such as food, baby supplies, and hygiene products.
• Water Infrastructure: The UAE is constructing a nearly 7 km desalination pipeline from Egypt to Gaza’s Al-Mawasi region, expected to supply water to roughly 600,000 residents. Equipment has moved through Kerem Shalom, and construction is underway.

Understanding the Issues with IPC Famine Report on Gaza

On August 22, 2025, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC)’s Famine Review Committee announced, based on its “reasonable evidence” standard, that famine conditions are present in Gaza City and are projected to expand elsewhere in the Gaza Strip. This announcement has elicited strong reactions from both Israeli officials and the international community. 

Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs has dismissed the IPC's findings as a “tailor-made” document designed to fit Hamas’s narrative, pointing out flaws in the IPC’s calculation of acute malnutrition and excess mortality rates. Israel also points to the massive influx of aid into Gaza—over 100,000 trucks since the start of the war—and the resulting decline in food prices, especially in recent weeks, which it says contradict the famine assessment. Israel stresses that its humanitarian measures, including daily pauses in fighting, secure aid corridors, controlled entry of goods, and coordination with international partners, have mitigated the risk of catastrophic food shortages.

The IPC famine framework requires three thresholds to be crossed for a famine determination: (1) extreme food insecurity, (2) acute malnutrition, and (3) excess mortality. According to the IPC technical manual, when comprehensive data is missing for one of these markers, the “reasonable evidence” protocol allows experts to infer that the threshold has likely been crossed based on other available information.

But while the IPC report highlights serious levels of hunger (36% of Gazans facing severe food insecurity) and malnutrition (16% of children measured as acutely malnourished), the third famine test—death rates—has relied on inference, rather than transparent data. This use of inference raises serious concerns, particularly because mortality is arguably the most central component of a famine declaration. 

While the mortality rate remains a critical issue, to officially declare a famine, international standards require at least two out of every 10,000 people dying each day from hunger or related causes. Before January 2025, the rate was closer to one out of 10,000, and even Gaza’s own Hamas-run Health Ministry has reported about six starvation deaths per day and roughly 68 “non-trauma” deaths (not caused by fighting) per day across the entire Strip. Reliance on expert judgment without transparent evidence risks undermining confidence in such assessments. 

While there are genuine reservations about aspects of the IPC’s methodology, serious humanitarian challenges in Gaza persist that cannot be overlooked. AJC has continuously underscored that International aid should continue to flow urgently and effectively, with careful monitoring to ensure it reaches those in need. 

What’s really happening near Gaza’s aid sites?    

Since the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) began operations in May, international media—often citing Hamas-run ministries in Gaza—have reported large casualty numbers near its aid distribution sites. In recent weeks, the UN and major outlets have repeated Hamas claims that hundreds of Palestinians have been killed. But these reports rely on unverifiable sources controlled by Hamas, which has every incentive to smear independent aid efforts.

GHF Executive Director Johnnie Moore dismissed the claims as “a disinformation campaign… meant to shut down our efforts,” accusing Hamas of intentionally endangering civilians to defame humanitarian work. Moore emphasized that GHF, which has delivered more than 51 million meals with U.S. support, operates in an environment where “almost anything that happens in the Gaza Strip is going to take place in proximity to something”—a reality of Hamas embedding itself among civilians.

A controversial Haaretz report alleging IDF fire on unarmed Palestinians near aid sites drew sharp condemnation from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz, who called it a “blood libel” and “malicious falsehood.” The IDF reaffirmed its commitment to protecting civilians while investigating incidents, stressing that Hamas’s use of civilian shields makes humanitarian operations extremely complex. Meanwhile, aid distribution has been repeatedly disrupted as massive crowds gather, and Hamas agitates the chaos for propaganda purposes.

Despite criticism from some NGOs, the U.S. has committed $30 million to support GHF as a secure alternative to UN aid channels that Hamas routinely hijacks. GHF has also warned that Hamas placed bounties on its staff—including Americans and Palestinian aid workers—after twelve team members were killed. “We remain targets of Hamas’s brutality for simply trying to feed the people of Gaza,” said Interim Director John Acree.

Reports of Hamas looting aid have mounted. A video shared by former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett showed armed operatives seizing food trucks, while Palestinian civilians have taken to social media accusing Hamas of stealing aid meant for them.

Most recently, Hamas-run authorities claimed dozens more deaths near aid distribution sites. The IDF is investigating, but the pattern is clear: Hamas exploits humanitarian sites to block relief, endanger civilians, and smear Israel and its partners who are working to keep food flowing into Gaza.

Is Humanitarian Aid Being Blocked in Gaza?

Amid media claims that Israel is obstructing humanitarian aid to Gaza, Israeli authorities maintain that access—not entry—is the core issue. According to COGAT, Israel's coordinator for government activities in the territories, since May 2025, over 10,000 aid trucks have entered Gaza, with approximately 80% carrying food, alongside 5,000 tons of baby food and more than 2,500 tons of medical supplies. Airdrops by 12 countries have delivered more than 2,300 food packages, while distribution sites continue to serve over 2.2 million weekly food packages to families. COGAT further reports that approximately 950 truckloads remain on the Gazan side of crossings like Kerem Shalom and Zikim, awaiting collection by aid agencies. The challenge, officials stress, lies in the distribution within Gaza, where complex security conditions and infrastructure damage hinder timely delivery to civilians. For example, on August 1, terrorists launched a rocket that landed near the main corridor for the transfer of aid in southern Gaza. 

How is aid being delivered in Gaza?

Humanitarian aid in Gaza is currently delivered through two main channels: traditional international efforts, primarily led by the UN, and the newly established Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), which is backed by the U.S. and secured by Israel.

GHF operates “Secure Distribution Sites” in southern and central Gaza with logistical support from Israel and oversight by international partners. These sites are designed to bypass Hamas entirely—unlike UN operations, which often have relied on or coordinated with Hamas-affiliated entities.

Aid at GHF sites is delivered directly to civilians, without Hamas involvement, under tight security. However, as of June 2025, GHF can feed only about half of Gaza’s population, which is why maintaining the UN’s parallel mechanism—despite vulnerability to Hamas interference—remains essential.

What is the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF)?

The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) is a new U.S.- and Israel-backed initiative designed to deliver humanitarian aid directly to Palestinian civilians, while keeping that aid out of the hands of terrorists. Launched in May 2025, GHF was created in response to longstanding concerns that aid funneled through traditional channels, such as through the UN, has often been diverted or exploited by Hamas—and other militias and terror groups—to maintain control over Gaza and fund terror operations.

The GHF is currently led by Rev. Dr. Johnnie Moore, an American evangelical leader and former faith adviser to President Donald Trump. Moore was appointed as GHF's leader in early June 2025, following the resignation of Jake Wood, a U.S. Marine veteran and co-founder of Team Rubicon, who stepped down citing concerns about maintaining humanitarian neutrality in the foundation's operations.

Currently, it operates with four initial distribution sites – three near Rafah and one near central Gaza – with discussions underway to expand to northern Gaza. 

While GHF represents a bold step toward ensuring aid reaches civilians rather than terrorists, it is not yet a full replacement for other humanitarian mechanisms, such as those through the UN. As of June 2025, the GHF has the capacity to provide food assistance to roughly half of Gaza’s population. As GHF scales up its infrastructure and reach, traditional international aid channels—despite their vulnerabilities to Hamas exploitation—will remain essential to addressing the full scope of humanitarian needs in Gaza.

Why is Gaza Humanitarian Foundation different—and why does it matter?

Launched in late May 2025, the foundation began distributing food packages on May 26 at so-called “Secure Distribution Sites” in Gaza’s Rafah area—an effort to bypass Hamas control and increase daily aid deliveries. With logistical and security backing from Israel and oversight from international partners, GHF has been able to function independently of the United Nations and other organizations that have, by necessity, engaged with Hamas in aid distribution. While the UN does not officially designate Hamas as a terrorist organization—unlike the U.S., EU, and other key allies—this lack of designation has allowed Hamas to play a role in some UN-administered operations in Gaza. GHF aims to change that dynamic by ensuring aid reaches civilians directly, without empowering terrorist groups.

This alternative aid model is designed to bypass Hamas. GHF’s leaders say their mission is to restore dignity and deliver relief without empowering terror groups. But not everyone supports this model. UN officials have criticized GHF as an effort to “circumvent the UN and its agencies,” even claiming it violates “humanitarian principles.” GHF head Johnnie Moore has pushed back strongly, stating: “Serving the people of Gaza with dignity and compassion must be the top priority. We welcome others to join us and urge extreme caution against sharing unverified information from sources that have repeatedly issued demonstrably false reports.”

Looking ahead, GHF plans to scale up, but that won’t be easy.  Alongside logistical hurdles, it faces continued efforts by Hamas to sabotage its work and spread misinformation to the international media, as well as significant issues of overcrowding of distribution sites. Meanwhile, ceasefire and hostage-release negotiations have remained stalled, with Hamas rejecting proposals backed by Israel and the U.S. The outcome of these talks could significantly impact how humanitarian aid is delivered and distributed across Gaza.

How GHF’s aid model differs from traditional humanitarian delivery in Gaza

The GHF has adopted a radically different model for delivering aid in Gaza, diverging from the traditional UN-led system. Unlike conventional humanitarian efforts that rely on truck deliveries coordinated with Hamas-run authorities on the ground in Gaza and distributed through a network of NGOs and warehouses, GHF works directly with the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to operate secure distribution hubs inside Gaza. This model is designed to bypass Hamas entirely, preventing the theft and diversion of aid that has plagued past efforts. GHF has delivered over 50 million meals since May—primarily in the form of shelf-stable food packages that feed 5.5 people for 3.5 days, amounting to roughly 2.6 million individual packages. The organization says its approach emphasizes speed, control, and accountability, relying on private logistics partners and security coordination to ensure food reaches civilians directly. Supporters argue this is the only way to guarantee aid actually benefits Gazans, rather than Hamas selling aid to Palestinians and using the projects to fund terror, while critics—including the UN and major NGOs—argue the GHF model is too politicized, risks further displacement, and violates norms of humanitarian neutrality. Still, amid mounting pressure to address Gaza’s crisis, and despite complexities on the ground, GHF represents an important attempt to ensure humanitarian relief is delivered to Palestinian civilians in Gaza.

What happened near the aid sites in early June — and how the media got it wrong

In early June, GHF temporarily paused operations due to unrest near its Tel al-Sultan sites in Rafah. Large, unruly crowds gathered near fully fenced-off aid zones secured by U.S. contractors and patrolled by IDF. Alarmed by people surging fences, the IDF fired warning shots, primarily aimed at deterrence and crowd control, not at aid-seekers themselves. Meanwhile, Hamas gunmen were reportedly firing into the air and near civilians, aiming to intimidate people into avoiding the U.S. and Israeli-backed aid system.

Despite Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry claims that 61 Palestinians were killed and nearly 300 wounded, the IDF, supported by independent drone footage and U.S. assessments, maintains that the figures were significantly inflated. The Washington Post had to issue a correction after initially stating "31 Palestinian civilians were killed" at a U.S.-run aid site, admitting they failed to properly indicate these were unverified Health Ministry figures. They later added Israeli denials and called the claims “fabricated.” Other media outlets, including CNN, the BBC, and The New York Times, also cited claims of dozens killed near the GHF distribution sites. 

Social media activists quickly dubbed the events the “Witkoff Massacre,” invoking U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff. This hyperbolic label has been unequivocally rejected by Israeli and U.S. officials, who warned it weaponizes disinformation, undermining humanitarian aid and ceasefire diplomacy.

On June 2, the IDF released drone footage showing Hamas gunmen firing at Gazan civilians near an aid distribution site, directly contradicting media claims that Israeli forces had opened fire on civilians. The IDF stated clearly that it did not shoot at civilians and emphasized that such reports were false. Israel reaffirmed its cooperation with the GHF and other international aid groups to ensure aid reaches civilians, not Hamas. U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee also condemned what he called “reckless and irresponsible reporting” by major U.S. outlets, warning that such misinformation fuels antisemitic violence, referencing two recent attacks on Jewish targets in Washington, D.C., and Colorado. He praised GHF’s success in delivering over five million meals without incident.

“False reporting of violence at our sites has a chilling effect on the local population,” said GHF head Johnnie Moore. “We can think of no greater disservice to a community in dire need.”

It is critical to note that aid delivery in an active war zone is extremely complex. There is often chaos, confusion, and misinformation. The media have a responsibility to thoroughly vet information before publishing false narratives.

That complexity was again evident on June 10 and 11, when the IDF reported firing warning shots at Palestinians who entered the Netzarim Corridor—clearly marked as a closed military zone—during restricted overnight hours. Palestinian officials claim that 45 people were killed over the two days, though those numbers remain unverified and were sourced from hospitals that Israel says are influenced by Hamas. GHF, which continues to operate under Israeli coordination to ensure aid reaches civilians and not terrorists, said it delivered a record 2.5 million meals that day despite the volatile environment. Israel has reiterated that its troops act to protect both civilians and humanitarian workers in a war zone routinely exploited by Hamas.

Also on June 11, Hamas terrorists allegedly attacked a GHF bus near Khan Younis in southern Gaza, killing at least eight local staffers and injuring others, with some possibly taken hostage, according to a GHF statement. The organization condemned the attack as part of a pattern of threats from Hamas and vowed to continue delivering aid to Palestinian civilians despite the violence.

Is aid still being delivered by other organizations?

Yes, aid is still being delivered by the United Nations and other international NGOs into Gaza through Israel’s Kerem Shalom crossing and other channels, though significant challenges persist. The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation was always understood to have a parallel UN component. 

• Kerem Shalom remains a key entry point, with over 1,459 trucks reaching it between May 19, when Israel resumed aid deliveries, and June 11. However, a range of obstacles still limits the food being received by Gazans, including looting, damaged infrastructure, limited fuel, and security threats. The aid is primarily managed by UN agencies like the World Food Programme, international NGOs, and local Palestinian civil society groups, but Hamas’s interference, through taxing, seizing, or blocking aid, continues to complicate distribution. 

On the Israeli side, COGAT oversees the logistics and inspections that control aid flow into Gaza, ensuring security and coordination.

How Hamas Steals Humanitarian Aid to Fuel Its War on Israel

Hamas has turned Gaza’s humanitarian crisis into a weapon of war—seizing, taxing, and diverting aid intended for civilians to reinforce its political control and sustain its terror campaign against Israel. Since the October 7 massacre, estimates that Hamas has funneled nearly $1 billion in funds—much of it tied to aid manipulation and illicit economic activity—into its war machine. These funds allow Hamas to pay operatives, recruit replacements for fallen fighters, and maintain its military infrastructure, all while Gaza’s civilians suffer.

Recent reporting confirms that Hamas’s grip on Gaza’s aid flow remains problematic. According to UNOPS, a UN agency that works to implement humanitarian and development projects, data show that nearly 90 percent of humanitarian aid shipments entering Gaza have been looted or diverted before reaching the civilians they’re meant to help. Armed Hamas operatives and criminal gangs—often with ties to the terror group—intercept convoys, siphon off food and medical supplies, and resell them on the black market. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas blamed Hamas-affiliated gangs for being “primarily responsible” for the looting. Other recent video evidence released by the IDF shows terrorists openly boarding trucks, stealing supplies, and intimidating local distributors.

Before the war, Hamas amassed an estimated $500 million stockpile, much of it held in Turkey, and received $15 million per month from Qatar, while also exploiting Gaza’s economy by taxing merchants, looting banks, and reselling humanitarian aid, according to a Wall Street Journal report. Despite nearly two years of war, Hamas has continued using a secret cash-based system to pay 30,000 civil servants about $300 each—just over 20% of their pre-war salaries every 10 weeks—fueling growing resentment among supporters amid soaring inflation. A senior Hamas official told the BBC the group had stockpiled about $700 million in cash and hundreds of millions of shekels in tunnels before the October 7, 2023, massacre in southern Israel.

This corruption directly harms civilians. When independent groups like the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF)—supported by Israel and vetted to operate outside of Hamas’ control—attempted to distribute aid, Hamas responded with violence. Civilians lining up for food from GHF were harassed, threatened, and even shot at by Hamas fighters. The message is clear: no aid reaches Gaza’s population unless it goes through Hamas. This isn’t governance—it’s extortion.

A recent internal USAID analysis found no definitive evidence tying Hamas to theft of U.S.-funded humanitarian aid in Gaza—but the findings rely on limited access and reporting from aid groups operating under Hamas pressure. Despite that, Israeli intelligence, including intercepted communications and on-the-ground reports, shows Hamas systematically diverts, sells, taxes, or hoards aid to control the population and enrich its terror enterprise. The absence of direct attribution in U.S. reports does not disprove the reality that Hamas exploits humanitarian aid as a tool of war.

In coordination with Arab and European partners, the Israel Defense Forces have continued large-scale humanitarian aid efforts in Gaza, including airdropping food and facilitating over 23,000 tons of aid deliveries since July 27, when the IDF announced a series of humanitarian measures to ease the situation in Gaza. Israel emphasized that these efforts are aimed at supporting Gaza’s civilians—not Hamas—while refuting false claims of starvation as a weapon of war. Israel also launched daily humanitarian pauses (10 a.m.–8 p.m.) in Gaza City, Deir al‑Balah, and Al‑Mawasi, along with secured humanitarian corridors (6 a.m.–11 p.m.), coordinated with the UN, to expand aid access.

Hamas thrives on Gaza’s misery. Every stolen truckload and every diverted food parcel strengthens its grip and prolongs the conflict. For peace to be possible and for aid to truly reach those in need, Hamas must be stripped of its control over humanitarian distribution—and the international community must stop pretending that this terror group operates in good faith.