A key feature of Reform Judaism is that it facilitates the "privatization" of religion, the isolation of religious life from public practice. It enables Jews to take part in secular social life without undue restrictions. The practices retained by Reform and Conservative Judaism in the United States tend to be those that are compatible with the American social environment.63 Many American Jews who want to be part of the general society and yet retain a degree of Jewish identification affiliate with the non- Orthodox branches of Judaism. Nonaffiliation with a religious denomination in America appears to lead to (as well as to indicate) marginality in the Jewish ethnic community. Thus, even persons who are religiously lax may be motivated to affiliate with an institutionalized form of Judaism in order to retain and manifest an ethnic Jewish identity. There is little question of one's Jewishness in Israel, however. There is not much fear of assimilation into the non-Jewish society. One need not join a synagogue to ensure that one's children receive some Jewish education and have a place to meet other Jews. The use of Hebrew as the vernacular and the incorporation of Jewish symbols into Israel's "civic" religion negate or, at least, moderate the function that a liberal religious movement might play in strengthening Jewish identity. Adherence to Orthodox halakhah is also less of an impediment to active participation in the general society than it is abroad. Israel is geared to the observance of Jewish holidays; kashrut is observed in most public institutions and many other places as well. There is less social pressure in Israel pushing Jews away from punctilious religious observance or drawing them to affiliate with a more liberal denomination, even if they choose not to be Orthodox. There are also few social rewards for joining an upper-class religious movement in Israel at this time. Secular Israelis identify and sympathize with the Reform movement primarily because of its fight against the religious establishment. The civil rights-oriented party, Meretz, for example, supports the Reform and Conservative movements as part of its civil rights agenda. But the Reform movement wants more than to serve as a channel for people who protest against the Orthodox establishment--it strives to offer a form of Judaism to meet a spiritual need of the Israeli public. As Ezra Spicehandler, dean of the Hebrew Union College in Jerusalem, wrote:

Frustrated by the slow growth of liberal Judaism in Israel, some of us prefer to think that the fault lies in the disabilities imposed upon the Reform rabbis of Israel. We delude ourselves that if only we were permitted to perform marriages and receive state funds . . . we would be free to rally thousands of Jews to the banner of Reform. This is a gross and pathetic fallacy. We will grow in Israel, not by gaining these privileges, but by offering a meaningful answer to the spiritual problems of modern man.64

As Israel celebrates its fiftieth anniversary, there are indications that its men (and women) have spiritual problems of a diffuse, unclear nature. Orthodoxy is becoming more extreme--it is distancing itself from the people. There appears to be a niche for liberal Judaism, if it can identify the exact nature of the spiritual needs of the population and develop programs that meet those needs.

While in the short run the Reform movement may be more supported by those who oppose the Orthodox establishment than by those who seek a liberal religious alternative, it could be that the political activism of the movement will reduce its stigmatization and lead to increased acceptance. Official recognition of the rabbis could lead to a large number of people being willing to "try" the movement, especially with regard to the celebration of life-cycle events.

In the long term, the movement is having an impact on the relation between state and religion. The movement's legal challenges reveal the precarious commitment of Orthodox political parties to the consideration of minority rights as part of their conception of democracy. Orthodox political parties have suggested that legislation be used to circumvent rulings by the High Court of Justice in favor of non-Orthodox religious practices. Government ministries issue criteria for grants that are designed to limit assistance that can be granted to Reform institutions, such as the minimum number of members required to receive a grant as a national youth movement. This topic is not the focus of the present paper, but the implications of the religious struggle by the Reform movement for the definition of a democratic Jewish state are substantial.

Most importantly, the struggle over the nature of the Jewish state is having an impact on Israel's relations with Jewish communities abroad. The American Reform movement in particular is much more aware of what is happening in Israel religiously, and appears to be less tolerant of discrimination and unequal treatment. Questions raised about the authenticity of Reform Judaism in Israel can lead American Reform Jews in turn to question the legitimacy of Israel as a Jewish state.

In sum, even though the Reform movement currently accounts for less than 1 percent of Jewish Israelis, by its very presence it has become an integral player in the determination of the nature of Jewish life in Israel and abroad.

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